This disturbing documentary looks at how Muslims in the UK treat other Muslims who decide to convert to Christianity. The widespread view is that those people should be killed. They hold this view because that is what it says in the Koran. This is further evidence that the “Islam is a religion of peace” meme you here in the media is a myth. Islam is a religion of hatred, barbarism, and brutality.

It’s an absolute disgrace that the police in the UK don’t have the balls to protect their own citizens from these thugs. Why should Muslims who convert to Christianity not be allowed to live and worship in peace? The answer is that Britain is lost. The Muslim lunatics have taken over the country.

Lefty Congressman Mike Quigley (D-IL) spoke at an Islamic student conference and apologized profusely on behalf of America for alleged discrimination against Muslims after 9/11.

(H/T Breitbart TV)

A Muslim man in Phoenix, Arizona decided his 20-year old daughter had become “too westernized” and needed to die. So he ran her over with his truck. When the police informed the mother of what happened she defended her husband and agreed her daughter should die. Police could not tell anyone in the girl’s family where she was or what hospital for fear that they might show up and try to finish her off.

The girl eventually died.

And Muslims wonder they’re singled out. They wonder why we don’t want their freaking Mosques showing up everywhere. Islam is a fanatical death cult and is and a shit stain on this world. These people are bringing their savagery and barbarism to America and it’s a disgrace.

This article titled “Qassem Suleimani: the Iranian general ‘secretly running’ Iraq” was written by Martin Chulov in Baghdad, for The Guardian on Thursday 28th July 2011 22.58 UTC

There’s a story that the new CIA director, David Petraeus, likes to tell which harks back to his days as a four-star general in Iraq.

Early in 2008, during a series of battles between the US and Iraqi army on one side and the Shia militias on the other, Petraeus was handed a phone with a text message from the Iranian general who had by then become his nemesis.

The message came from the head of Iran’s elite al-Quds Force, Qassem Suleimani, and was conveyed by a senior Iraqi leader. It read: “General Petraeus, you should know that I, Qassem Suleimani, control the policy for Iran with respect to Iraq, Lebanon, Gaza, and Afghanistan. And indeed, the ambassador in Baghdad is a Quds Force member. The individual who’s going to replace him is a Quds Force member.”

Petraeus hardly needed to be told. Much of the US military’s work with Iraq’s Shia Muslims had been undermined by Suleimani and the client militias of the Iranian general’s al-Quds force. So too had US government diplomatic efforts elsewhere in the Middle East, especially in Lebanon.

Petraeus last year told a thinktank, the Institute for the Study of War, about the problem Suleimani created for him: “Now, that makes diplomacy difficult if you think that you’re going to do the traditional means of diplomacy by dealing with another country’s ministry of foreign affairs because in this case, it is not the ministry. It is a security apparatus.”

As he prepared for the job of the US’s most senior spy, Petraeus would surely have been preparing for further shadow boxing. Suleimani’s reputation as the most formidable operator in the region has not diminished in the past three years. By some measures it has actually increased: Syria now also comes within Suleimani’s sphere of influence.

The strength of the ties between Suleimani and Iraqi legislators has been revealed during weeks of interviews with key officials, including those who admire him and those who fear the man like no other.

Iraq’s former state security minister, Sharwan al-Waeli is one who knows Suleimani well. A formal conversation between the Guardian and al-Waeli last year took on a very different tone as soon as Suleimani’s name was mentioned.

The Shia legislator was a known ally of Iran, so much so that he was seen by secularists and Sunnis in parliament as someone prepared to do Iran’s bidding. He denied Iran played a pervasive role in Iraq until he was interrupted with a question that Iraqi officials have long prefered to ignore: when was the last time Qassem Suleimani came to the Green Zone, the fortified government district in the heart of Baghdad?

Al-Waeli’s left hand trembled slightly and his brow furrowed. “You mean Sayed Qassem Suleimani,” he said, giving Suleimani an Arabic honorific reserved for the most esteemed of men. He refused to elaborate.

In Baghdad, no other name invokes the same sort of reaction among the nation’s power base – discomfort, uncertainty and fear.

“He is the most powerful man in Iraq without question,” Iraq’s former national security minister, Mowaffak al-Rubaie, said recently. “Nothing gets done without him.”

Until now, however, few Iraqis have dared to talk openly about the enigmatic Iranian general, what role he plays in Iraq and how he shapes key agendas like no one else.

“They are too busy dealing with the aftermath,” said a senior US official. “He dictates terms then makes things happen and the Iraqis are left managing a situation that they had no input into.”

Suleimani’s journey to supremacy in Iraq is rooted in the Islamic revolution of 1979, which ousted the Shah and recast Iran as a fundamentalist Shia Islamic state. He rose steadily through the ranks of the Iranian military until 2002 when, months before the US invasion of Iraq, he was appointed to command the most elite unit of the Iranian military – the al-Quds force of the Revolutionary Guards Corp.

The al-Quds force has no equal in Iran. Its stated primary task is to protect the revolution. However, its mandate has also been interpreted as exporting the revolution’s goals to other parts of the Islamic world.

Shia communities throughout the region have proved fertile grounds for revolutionary messages and have formed deep and abiding partnerships with the al-Quds force. So too have several Sunni groups opposed to Israel – first among them Hamas in Gaza.

But Iraq has been Suleimani’s key arena. The last eight years have witnessed a proxy war between Suleimani’s Quds force and the US military, the full effects of which are still being played out, as the US prepares for a full departure from Iraq and Iraq’s leaders ponder over whether to ask them to stay.

Arabian heartland

At stake is no less than who gets to shape the destiny of the heartland of Arabia. “His power comes straight from (the country’s lead cleric Ayatollah) Khamenei,” said one of Iraq’s three deputy prime ministers, Saleh al-Mutlaq, a secular Sunni. “It bypasses everyone else, including Ahmadinejad.

“There is a saying in Islam that you should never get angry with your father or mother. The [Shia] interpret that as meaning what (Khamanei, via Suleimani) says has to be respected by every [Shia] inside, or outside Iran.

“All of the important people in Iraq go to see him,” said Mutlaq. “People are mesmerised by him – they see him like an angel.”

A second MP – a senior member of Prime Minister Nour al-Maliki’s inner circle who regularly meets Suleimani in Iran – said the general has only travelled once to Iraq in the past eight years. He described him as “softly spoken and reasonable, very polite”. “He is simple when you talk to him. You would not know how powerful he is without knowing his background. His power is absolute and no one can challenge this.”

Silver-haired, slight and with a perennial serene smile, Suleimani comes across as the most unlikely of warlords. Those who met him during the one time he traveled to Baghdad at the height of the 2006 sectarian conflict say he walked around the compounds of his two key hosts without bodyguards. The Americans did not know he had been in the capital until he was back in Iran and were deeply unhappy to learn that their arch enemy had been among them.

“He is indeed like Keyser Söze,” said a senior US official this week – in reference to the legendary villain in the The Usual Suspects, whose ruthlessness and influence terrified everyone. “Nobody knew who he was and this guy’s the same. He is everywhere, but nowhere.”

The senior Shia MP added: “He has managed to form links with every single Shia group, on every level. Last year, in the meeting in Damascus that formed the current Iraqi government, he was present at the meeting along with leaders from Syria, Turkey, Iran and Hezbollah. “He forced them all to change their mind and anoint Maliki as leader for a second term.”

Over the five years that Maliki has been in power in Iraq, all his key advisers have been granted court in Iran by Suleimani. Iraq’s president, a Kurd – Jalal Talabani, has also regularly met the general, sometimes along the border separating both countries.

The Syrian uprising has added a new dimension. The al-Quds Force has been involved in suppressing the Syrian uprising, according to multiple sources inside and outside the country.

The US has slapped personal sanctions on Suleimani and two other generals in the Iranian security forces who it accuses of helping orchestrate the crackdown that is believed to have killed more than 1,600 civilians.”

Tehran has heavily invested in the survival of embattled Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, whose ruling Allawite clan has links to Shia Islam. Assad’s fall would be a serious strategic setback for Iran and Suleimani. It is perhaps the only part of the region where the general’s preferred mix of strategic diplomacy with aggressive operations is being strongly tested.

In the meantime, the work of the al-Quds force continues in Iraq. All but two of the US troops killed in June – the highest number in more than two years, were killed by client militias directly under Suleimani’s control, the Keta’ib Hezbollah and the Promised Day Brigades.

“It is clear that the al-Quds force is responsible,” said the director general of the intelligence division in Iraq’s interior ministry, Hussein Kamal. “There has been a systematic flow of weapons into Iraq for the past eight years. Of course they try to say it is not state-sponsored. But when weapons are flowing from the borders of a sovereign state, it is very clear where the blame lies.

“They are destructive weapons and they cannot deny the responsibility for them.”

Another Shia MP said he had personally asked Suleimani why his al-Quds force continued to smuggle weapons, many of which are fired into the Green Zone, where he and most of Maliki’s inner circle live. “He just smiled and said it is nothing to do with me,” the MP said. “He said he had no idea where the weapons were coming from.”

Suleimani has been variously described by those who dislike him – Iraq’s Sunnis, and those who have spent years trying to get his measure – as a “talented extortionist” and a highly skilled wheeler-dealer.

US officials who have spent years trying to disrupt the work of his loyalists say they would like to meet him, while at the same time being puzzled as to his objectives.

“I would simply ask him what he wants from us,” said a senior US military official. In addition to the soldiers killed this year, the US ambassador in Baghdad, James Jeffrey, said last summer that Iranian proxies accounted for roughly a quarter of US combat casualties in Iraq – around 1,100 deaths and many thousands more injuries.

Despite this, the US has landed few public blows on Suleimani’s close circle.

In March 2007, the British SAS captured a senior Hezbollah official, Ali Moussa Daqduq, who had allegedly planned an operation that killed seven soldiers in Karbala. The same year, US troops also captured two men in the Kurdish north who they believed were al-Quds leaders. Apart from that, the trophy cabinet remains bare – at least publicly. More troubling than the apparent dearth of tactical victories is how the rest of the year will play out.

The US – and some key neighbouring Sunni states – believe Iran’s strategy in Iraq as the conflict winds down is to keep the country in a permanent but manageable state of chaos.

“They keep it on simmer and turn it up and down when they want to,” said one Lebanese official in Beirut.

The senior US military spokesman in Iraq, Major General Jeffrey Buchanan agreed. “Their overall strategy has been to keep [Iraq] isolated from the rest of its neighbours and from the US, because that makes it likely that it will depend on Iran. They want Iraq to play a subordinate, weak role.”

Only Iraq’s lawmakers can stop the master-client relationship from becoming entrenched here. It’s a task that Kurdish legislator in the national parliament, Mahmoud Othman, fears may prove to be beyond his colleagues.

“Qassem Suleimani is the key man to every decision taken in Iraq,” he said.

“It is a shame to have such a man playing such a role in this country. There should be a relationship between equals like normal relations with normal states.”

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

This interview is from last year, but it’s so powerful I had to post it. Mosab Hassan Yousef’s father is the founder of terrorist group Hamas. Mosab worked undercover for Israeli intelligence for 10 years. He converted to Christianity and now lives in California. He says Islam is a devil religion and the “Prophet” Mohammad is a liar.

If you haven’t read Mosab’s book, Son of Hamas, it’s a MUST READ.

Rep. Keith Ellison made his first ever appearance on “Hannity” last night. Sean had plenty to ask him about. As the first Muslim ever elected to Congress and a far left ideologue, Ellison often says controversial things and likes to downplay radical Islam. He’s fond of saying we need to be worried about terrorism from Christians, Jews, and white supremacists not just Muslims. I beg to differ. It’s not plots by radical Jews the FBI is breaking up nearly every week, they’re Muslim. Terror attacks by non-Muslim extremists are outliers. They’re one off incidents. The Muslim terror threat is an organized world-wide Jihad against America and the West. Our refusal to acknowledge that is what led to 9/11.

With that said, here’s the interview:

I’m not sure what set him off, but Florida Pastor Terry Jones finally had his Koran burning.

An entire Israeli family in the West Bank was murdered in their sleep by Palestinians. 5 family members including an 11-year old boy and a 3-month old infant had their throats slit while they slept. “Peace-loving” Muslims took to the streets of Gaza over the weekend to dance and celebrate the massacre.

5 more innocent people dead at the hands of the barbaric death cult known as Islam.

Here’s Netanyahu:

Son of Hamas author and activist Mosab Hassan Yousef spoke in Orange County, California recently. He spoke at a Jewish community center and had a very frank discussion about Islam. Everyone regardless of their faith or politics should watch it. It’s extremely rare to hear from a former Muslim who lived most of his life at the epicenter of radical Islam. Mosab is now a Christian living in the United States.

If you haven’t read Mosab’s book, Son of Hamas, you need to read it.

(hat tip The Right Scoop)

This article titled “Full-face veils outlawed as France spells out controversial niqab ban” was written by Angelique Chrisafis in Paris, for The Guardian on Thursday 3rd March 2011 20.25 UTC

From Saudi tourists window-shopping on the Champs-Élysées to Muslim women in a departure lounge at Charles de Gaulle airport or the few young French converts on suburban estates, any woman who steps outside in France wearing a veil that covers her face will be breaking the law from next month.

France’s bitterly divisive debate on Muslim women’s clothing took a new turn when the legal details of the controversial “burqa ban” were published in a decree by the prime minister. From 11 April women will be banned from wearing the niqab – full-face Muslim veil – in any public place, including while walking down the street, taking a bus, at a bank, library or shop, or in a cinema or theatre. It will be illegal for a woman in niqab to visit the Louvre, or any other museum, take a train, visit a hospital or collect her child from school.

Face veils will be outlawed virtually anywhere outside women’s own homes, except when they are worshipping in a religious place or travelling as a passenger in a private car, although traffic police may stop them if they think they do not have a clear “field of vision” while driving. Women wearing niqab will be fined €150 (about £130) and be given a citizenship class to remind them of the republican values of secular France and gender equality. Any third party found to have coerced a woman into wearing the face covering, for example a husband or family member, risks a €30,000 fine and a year in prison.

The niqab ban, proposed by a communist MP but later championed by Nicolas Sarkozy and his rightwing ruling UMP party, has reopened the long-running debate over how the country with Europe’s biggest Muslim community integrates Islam into its secular republic.

The timing of the new law risks plunging France even further into an identity crisis. Sarkozy, desperate to secure the far-right electorate in next year’s presidential election, is under fire for deliberately stigmatising France’s Muslim population to win votes. He has ordered a nationwide debate on Islam’s place in secular France, briefing journalists he wants no halal food options in school canteens, no prayers outside and no minarets. He was defiant on Thursday, giving a speech lauding the “Christian heritage of France”.

Sarkozy’s move comes as Marine Le Pen, the new leader of the Front National, has seen her party’s popularity soar to unprecedented levels since she compared Muslims praying in the streets outside overcrowded mosques to the Nazi occupation of France. She also criticised halal-only fast food restaurants.

One indication of the mood of unease in France is local authorities taking steps to ban proposed “pork and wine aperitifs” by rightwingers deliberately staged near Muslim places of worship, including a “rosé wine and porchetta” evening to be held near a Muslim place of prayer in Nice on Friday night.

The prime minister, François Fillon, this week distanced himself from Sarkozy’s debate on Islam and said he was opposed to the “stigmatisation of Muslims”. To get around accusations that the niqab ban unfairly prejudices French Muslims, his office has been tying itself in semantic knots over the law.

It is now officially called the bill against “covering one’s face in public places”, which Fillon deems an issue of public order and gender equality, not secularism. This means wearing any face covering, including balaclavas, hoodies or masks, is against the new law. So the state has had to seek special exemptions for motorcycle helmets or sports equipment such as fencing masks. There are also exemptions for people appearing in parades, celebrations or places of worship. After a teacher was convicted for trying to rip a face veil from an Emirati tourist in a shop, the law states public officials cannot force women to remove their niqabs in the street but must instead call the police or gendarmes.

Fillon argued that face coverings put those who wear them “in a situation of exclusion and inferiority incompatible with the principles of liberty, equality and human dignity affirmed by the French republic.”

But the immigration historian Patrick Weil has warned that the law is open to challenge from the European court of human rights. He said the battle to stop women wearing niqab did not justify that “a woman who believes that her God orders her to wear it should be stopped from going out to buy food to feed herself, or from going to see a doctor”.

A tiny minority of women in France wear full niqab, far fewer than in the UK: Muslim groups estimate only a few hundred out of France’s more than 5 million Muslim population.

In 2004, after another heated national debate, France banned headscarves and all conspicuous religious symbols from state schools. But since the niqab ban was voted in by parliament, standard headscarves have also become a bone of contention in high-profile cases.

A worker in a private creche went to court and lost after she claimed she was fired for refusing to take off her headscarf. The education minister insisted that mothers in headscarves should not be allowed to accompany children on school outings. One mother banned from escorting her son’s primary school class for wearing a simple head-covering said: “I’m French, not a fanatic, I just want to be able to practise my religion without being ostracised.”

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

Published via the Guardian News Feed plugin for WordPress.